I had even begun to doubt that I had
ever seen the AlJazeera show produced a couple of years ago in which they
proved conclusively that for a year or more, until he was unmasked, the Israeli embassy actually had a man on
their staff --- his name was Shai Masot, a senior political officer ---whose
full-time job was to undermine Corbyn so that he would never become Prime Minister of a leading western
nation, him being a lifelong supporter of the Palestinians. This job he carried
out with spectacular success.
Still, I realized that the successful
character assassination of Corbyn could not be put down to that reason alone,
and that if I wrote anything suggesting its importance it would appear to be no
more than special pleading, I decided to hang fire, waiting for commonsense to rescue
me from my disappointment.
To take the edge off my
anti-establishment fury, I am able to point to a similarly egregious, equally
disgusting, campaign, directed at
interfering in the last, and the coming,
U.S. elections, that has been exposed by the dogged investigative
American reporter Greg Palast, who calls what he has revealed “the
nationwide Jim Crow Interstate Crosscheck purge operation that
cost more than 1.1 million voters of colour their registrations and elected
Donald Trump.”
Palast has worked on this for six years during
which he exposed Kris Kobach, the Republican secretary of state in Kansas, as
the point man in a campaign that has, by what Palast concedes are legal although
democratically disreputable means, cancelled
the registration to vote from millions of properly qualified American voters, a
campaign that, although since publicly
exposed and cancelled by some states, is still continuing in at least a dozen
states with Kobach boasting of his intention to spread it into all 50 states of
the union. Indeed, only in the last few days I have reads of some huge number,
200,000 or more, voters having been newly scrubbed by these means from the
voter rolls in another American state.
The means to this is simple: Kobach compared
voter lists from states which shared their lists with him. Here is Palast’s
explanation:
When he at last gained access to these voter
lists from insiders he discovered that the supposed “cross-checking” had
resulted in the Republican investigators, led by Kobach,making some incredible
leaps of faith. As Palast writes:
“James Randolph Johnson
of Virginia is supposed to be the same voter as James Bidie Johnson of Kansas.
James Hunter Johnson
of Virginia is supposed to be the same voter as James Cody Johnson of Kansas. Note that in this example, not a single
middle name matches.
But don’t laugh, these so-called ‘matches’ were critical to Trump’s supposed victory. Altogether, we calculated that 1.1 million voters, overwhelmingly voters of colour, lost their vote in key states.
But don’t laugh, these so-called ‘matches’ were critical to Trump’s supposed victory. Altogether, we calculated that 1.1 million voters, overwhelmingly voters of colour, lost their vote in key states.
“In 2016, Micah Kubic, head of the ACLU (American Civil
Liberties Union) Kansas, joined me for
the launch of our film, The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, in which I confront Kobach with the secret
lists he never thought I would see. Flustered, he lied to me on camera, then
lied again and again, though he called me later to try to walk back his
fabrications. I wasn’t fooled, Micah wasn’t fooled, nor was the
Women's League for Kansas which sponsored showings of our film all over
the state.
“But here’s (another) problem: Crosscheck is just one of 11 Jim Crow tricks we’ve uncovered. Defeat one, and Jim Crow returns with two.”
“But here’s (another) problem: Crosscheck is just one of 11 Jim Crow tricks we’ve uncovered. Defeat one, and Jim Crow returns with two.”
Well, so much for democracy in
America. “Voter suppression”, as it is now called, is regarded by dissenting
people as a possible major factor in the forthcoming U.S election. No joke,
this.
In Britain I have discovered an
interesting posting, on an obscure website called Will to Truth, by a Labour
Party canvasser who went door-to-door in
eight constituencies in the English north-west, all safe Labour seats, all but
one substantially Leave voters in the infamous 2016 referendum, and all lost to
the Tories in this election. This contributor, who prefers to work under an
alias EYAL, has worked out four main
reasons for the labour defeat. His insights are revealing, and I am stealing the
major conclusions of his piece for the edification of my small band of readers:
“Having knocked on tens of thousands of
doors, and met with a wide range of targeted voters, I was not very surprised
by last night’s results. Anyone who has been listening openly to the repeating narratives
and emotions at the doorsteps of these traditional Labour voters, could not
have expected a different result.
“While totally broken
politically this morning, I do feel a great sense of gratitude for the
opportunity I had to visit and converse with the people of Leigh, Crew, Bolton,
Calder Valley, Altrincham, Blackpool, Bury, Newcastle, etc. Indeed, we lost all
these seats, but this fieldwork was an invaluable experience of getting familiar
with, listening to, and touring in person mainly working class and poverty
areas, outside of the big metropolises, that I have never visited before. I saw
their towns, homes, communities and lives. I walked for many hours up and down
their streets and estates and front gardens or front doors. I saw the different
ways of living, smelt the smells, heard the sounds and voices, saw their neighbourhoods and sometimes neglect or distress, and sensed the places in which they experience. I listened to their stories, saw their faces and bodies and clothes, shook their hands, and felt their frustrations…. But, in all honesty, it wasn’t all that difficult to know. Many voters were very open outright about not giving us their vote this time, while emphasising that they have never voted Tory before, and many still preferred not to vote altogether over having to vote Tory now, because they knew what that would mean to their rights and condition, yet they would
still not vote for us.”
ways of living, smelt the smells, heard the sounds and voices, saw their neighbourhoods and sometimes neglect or distress, and sensed the places in which they experience. I listened to their stories, saw their faces and bodies and clothes, shook their hands, and felt their frustrations…. But, in all honesty, it wasn’t all that difficult to know. Many voters were very open outright about not giving us their vote this time, while emphasising that they have never voted Tory before, and many still preferred not to vote altogether over having to vote Tory now, because they knew what that would mean to their rights and condition, yet they would
still not vote for us.”
As
for his conclusions, they are:
First:
the most common frustration among
them was, without a doubt, Brexit…For
Leave voters, Brexit now symbolises the way in which their voices were being
ignored, repeatedly and undemocratically, by the losing Remainers, who are also
associated with other classes and more privileged social groups. The way they
see it is
this: before the referendum, all the parties pledged to respect its results, but then didn’t. ….As far as they are concerned, Labour (and others) did not fully respect the will of the working class, and a democratic result. They feel betrayed….I suspect that had Labour advocated Leave in these elections, thus respecting the vote of the working class and the results of a democratic referendum, things would have looked different for Labour today.
Second:
Corbyn’s image. Surprisingly, Only a relative few, in my experience, resonated the vilifications that they were
fed through the media, (like that he is a terrorist sympathiser, an extremist or an anti-Semite). It was more common to encounter a vague emotional negative hunch, a discomfort from the way they ‘felt’ about him. For whatever reasons that they struggled to verbalise when asked, many explicitly ‘didn’t like him,’ regardless of their strong rational agreement with his social policies. The media contributed to this image, sure, but if I may guess, I think that the voters did not want a ‘nice old man,’ who ‘never did any wrong’ almost inhumanely, who always engages in calm discussions, but would favour a more relatable and animated person, who gets angry sometimes (after all, we have much to be angry about), and who is perhaps more dominant in conversations and offers simple messages, like Johnson. Remember that people vote more emotionally than rationally, as an expression of their identities and wishes, and, sadly, our leader, whose policies and personality were my own reasons for joining the canvassing, wasn’t screen popular with the masses.
Third:
A third topic was the breadth of Labour’s manifesto, especially when compared to the oversimplified non-manifesto of the Tories, which they hammered repeatedly in soundbites over and over again. Simply put, our broad scope has backfired. It felt to many like too much, causing the plan and its funding to feel unrealistic and risky. ‘How are you going to pay for all that?’ and ‘You will never be able to achieve so much’ were common responses. Of course, we had our answers to such statements, and some canvassers did turn many people around, yet overall, we only met with small parts of the general population, and for a very short time, so the main benefit of these conversations was allowing us to listen, sense and make sense of these interactions, rather than, again, to ‘educate’ the voters about all the things that “we” can teach “them.”.
Fourth:
Finally, a fourth frustration was seeing us only before elections. Here, we should have had an advantage, because nobody would ever volunteer to canvass for the Tories, whereas we brought large numbers. Still, the timing and our plea for votes inevitably casts doubt on the purity of our intentions, although, understandably, it is difficult to mobilise volunteers – who usually have their own work, study and family commitments – outside of election times. Nevertheless, it is important to surface this dominant issue and think about it further.
Finally:
My biggest lesson from the intense canvassing was one of humility, to which I can only hope others on the Left in middle class and big cities would be willing to listen to, too. I truly learnt a lot from these two weeks, about being there, seeing and listening, and about the task ahead for the British Left, if we are to overcome their alienation and justified sense of being left, forgotten and not listened to. While last night brought us horrible news, which will affect ‘them’ worse than me, and the scope of which we can only dread, this outcome is not necessarily the end of the Left in Britain, but can be, if we dare listen more openly, a new beginning.
this: before the referendum, all the parties pledged to respect its results, but then didn’t. ….As far as they are concerned, Labour (and others) did not fully respect the will of the working class, and a democratic result. They feel betrayed….I suspect that had Labour advocated Leave in these elections, thus respecting the vote of the working class and the results of a democratic referendum, things would have looked different for Labour today.
Second:
Corbyn’s image. Surprisingly, Only a relative few, in my experience, resonated the vilifications that they were
fed through the media, (like that he is a terrorist sympathiser, an extremist or an anti-Semite). It was more common to encounter a vague emotional negative hunch, a discomfort from the way they ‘felt’ about him. For whatever reasons that they struggled to verbalise when asked, many explicitly ‘didn’t like him,’ regardless of their strong rational agreement with his social policies. The media contributed to this image, sure, but if I may guess, I think that the voters did not want a ‘nice old man,’ who ‘never did any wrong’ almost inhumanely, who always engages in calm discussions, but would favour a more relatable and animated person, who gets angry sometimes (after all, we have much to be angry about), and who is perhaps more dominant in conversations and offers simple messages, like Johnson. Remember that people vote more emotionally than rationally, as an expression of their identities and wishes, and, sadly, our leader, whose policies and personality were my own reasons for joining the canvassing, wasn’t screen popular with the masses.
Third:
A third topic was the breadth of Labour’s manifesto, especially when compared to the oversimplified non-manifesto of the Tories, which they hammered repeatedly in soundbites over and over again. Simply put, our broad scope has backfired. It felt to many like too much, causing the plan and its funding to feel unrealistic and risky. ‘How are you going to pay for all that?’ and ‘You will never be able to achieve so much’ were common responses. Of course, we had our answers to such statements, and some canvassers did turn many people around, yet overall, we only met with small parts of the general population, and for a very short time, so the main benefit of these conversations was allowing us to listen, sense and make sense of these interactions, rather than, again, to ‘educate’ the voters about all the things that “we” can teach “them.”.
Fourth:
Finally, a fourth frustration was seeing us only before elections. Here, we should have had an advantage, because nobody would ever volunteer to canvass for the Tories, whereas we brought large numbers. Still, the timing and our plea for votes inevitably casts doubt on the purity of our intentions, although, understandably, it is difficult to mobilise volunteers – who usually have their own work, study and family commitments – outside of election times. Nevertheless, it is important to surface this dominant issue and think about it further.
Finally:
My biggest lesson from the intense canvassing was one of humility, to which I can only hope others on the Left in middle class and big cities would be willing to listen to, too. I truly learnt a lot from these two weeks, about being there, seeing and listening, and about the task ahead for the British Left, if we are to overcome their alienation and justified sense of being left, forgotten and not listened to. While last night brought us horrible news, which will affect ‘them’ worse than me, and the scope of which we can only dread, this outcome is not necessarily the end of the Left in Britain, but can be, if we dare listen more openly, a new beginning.
To all of which I can only
add my mantra: wot the hell, wot the hell, toujours gai, toujours gai!
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