African National Congress (Photo credit: Wikipedia) |
English: Young Nelson Mandela. This photo dates from 1937. SImage source: http://www.anc.org.za/people/mandela/index.html (Photo credit: Wikipedia) |
I notice today the BBC is celebrating the 50th
anniversary of the Rivonia arrests in South Africa, which has made me think of
my friendship with one of the arrestees, Harold Wolpe and his wife Anne-Marie.
The arrests were made in July, 1963, but Harold and his friend Arthur Goldreich
bribed their way out of jail, escaped South Africa, in spite of a frantic
search for them by the police, and on arrival in England at the beginning of
October headed for Blackpool (I think it was Blackpool) where the Labour Party
was in the middle of its annual conference.
There they appeared at a small meeting of leftist Labour
supporters. Goldreich was a spell-binding speaker who did not stay in England
for many months, but headed for Israel, where he died a couple of years ago at
the age of 82. I was so impressed by his presentation about the political
tyranny operating in South Africa that I arranged to interview Harold Wolpe
when I returned to London.
Harold’s account of his life during the previous 10 years
or so, when he had been the solicitor for
the leading activists of the African National Congress, was enough to
convince me that the route of armed struggle was all that had been left to
them.
Harold had won many cases for his clients in the South African
courts, but every time they won a case the government immediately changed the law
in such a way as to make it impossible for any more cases to be won. In this
way, the legal freedoms of assembly, protest and dissent were closed off one by
one, inexorably, over the years, until
Mandela and the other leaders decided to launch an armed wing of their by now
banned political party, all other avenues for protest having been closed to
them.
Arthur Goldreich was an artist working for a Johannesburg
firm, and the tenant of a farm, Liliesleaf, which he made available to Umkonta
We Sizwe, the armed branch that the African National Congress was in the process
of organizing and developing. Goldreich had been an activist even as a Jewish
kid of 11, when at his school the Afrikaans government began to teach them
German in the belief that the Nazis had already won the war. He protested,
successfully to the Prime Minister, Jan Smuts, and in 1948 he went to Israel to
take part in the Jewish armed struggle to establish that country. Because of
this experience, Mandela found him useful, for he himself had no knowledge of
warfare of any kind and needed advice in how to set up an armed resistance
movement. It was Goldreich who had drawn
up the programme for the armed group that was discovered when the security
police raided the farm, the rent of which was being paid by the underground
South African Communist party, of which Goldreich and Wolpe were both members. Most of
the leaders were arrested, including
such as Denis Goldberg, Walter Sisulu, although Mandela himself was already
imprisoned by this time.
Nevertheless Mandela was included in the people charged at
what came to be known as the Rivonia trial, from the consequences of which
Wolpe and Goldreich managed to escape, but which culminated in Mandela’s life
imprisonment.
At the time I interviewed Wolpe I was London correspondent
of The Montreal Star. According to
the myths of Western journalism, I should have been neutral as between the
oppressive apartheid regime and its victims, but henceforth I had no doubt
where my loyalties lay, and I became a close friend of some of the activists
representing the ANC in London during those years. Particularly I admired their second most senior representative
abroad, after Oliver Tambo, whose name was Robert Resha. He had wanted nothing more than to be a sports
reporter, but had been made into an activist by being arrested some 28 times for
pass-offences --- that is to say, for not carrying at all times the passes
identifying every non-white person in South Africa. He had been a leading
volunteer in actions taken over the years by the ANC, and he was, as the sports
writers often say, the sort of guy you would want to have on your team in any
fight.
Through my friendship with Robert I learned what a terrible job it was to
represent a black protest movement, no matter how admirable, how democratic its
structures, or how incontrovertible its case for freedom. They had virtually no
money, and Robert’s job was to go around the world persuading people and
organizations with money to make a little of it available, and working to get
sympathetic resolutions passed through United Nations bodies. Even when this
succeeded, it seemed like a kind of pointless success, for these resolutions
had absolutely no effect on anything, except, probably, to begin the snail-like
process by which the apartheid regime finally began to feel its isolation in
the world. This was a tough slog: Scandinavia was the only corner of the world
responsive in any way to his appeals. Africans may have been sympathetic, but
they had no money. He told me often how he would approach Haile Selassie in
Ethiopia who would express maximum solidarity and support, but when the time
came offer maybe $5,000.
Robert sent his wife and their daughter to Moscow for
education, which meant that the cause broke up and took over his family life.
This process of a family neglected in favour of a cause apparently was
described in somewhat embittered detail by Anne-Marie Wolpe in a book she wrote
about her experience as a political wife, The
Long Way Home, which she published in 1994, after her return to South
Africa.
I returned to Canada in 1968, and when I passed through London briefly early in 1974 I arrived just as
Robert’s friend and sidekick Raymond Mazizwe Kunene, a noted Zulu poet and
political activist (who was another
close friend of mine during my London days), was working with Canon John
Collins at setting up a memorial service for the recently deceased Robert in
St.Paul’s Cathedral. It seemed a curiously bitter note, to me, that Robert in
the end had had a falling out of some kind with ANC policy, and his death and
lifetime of work for the cause was noted in only two lines in an ANC
publication.
Harold and his wife spent 30 years in exile in Britain
before returning to take up academic appointments in their homeland in the 1990s. There, they both became
renowned as original Marxist, (Harold) and feminist (Anne-Marie) thinkers whose
work has helped chart the way forward for their country. Harold died in 1996, and is still remembered
for the foundation established in his memory, the Harold Wolpe Memorial Trust,
and the annual Harold Wolpe Lecture sponsored and staged by the Trust.
As a BBC reporter noted this morning, the anniversary of
the Rivonia arrests seems all the more poignant for being celebrated as Nelson
Mandela is hanging on to the last days of his life in his mid-90s, his stature
among global politicians indicated by the world-wide anxiety that we are all about
to lose a man of uniquely inspirational moral quality such as our world has
seldom seen.
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